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India’s Current Relationship with North Korea and its Impact on the Act East Policy

Author Profile: Arushi is a vibrant and creative student studying in grade 12 at The Shri Ram School. She resides in Delhi with her family and is involved in many community-building activities in her neighbourhood. Arushi has helped many lower-income children improve their literacy levels through tutoring and mentorship. Passionate about making an impact on society, she hopes to pursue her undergraduate studies in Sociology and Anthropology.

Abstract

A crucial component of India’s post-Cold War stance is its relations with North Korea. Since 1962, India and the Democratic People’s Republic Korea (DPRK) have worked closely together. They assist each other on a variety of issues relating to international affairs and cooperate closely at the level of multilateral organizations. This research article offers insights into the context behind India’s current policies towards North Korea, which is a delicate balance of historical ties, regional security concerns, and international alignment. In the interest of fostering New Delhi’s Act East Policy, a strong case for maintaining stability in the Asia-Pacific region through this relationship is made.

  1. Introduction

New Delhi has sustained ties with Pyongyang for over 47 years, reflecting the legacy of India’s commitment to the Non-Alignment Movement. This meant that India was cooperating with nations that the West termed ‘problematic’ even after the Cold War ended. The regime of North Korea under Kim Jong-un, which has been heightening tensions in the Korean Peninsula through the usage of nuclear and ballistic missile tests is included in this (Armstrong, 2011).

Instead of adopting exclusionary tactics towards the oft-criticized North Korea, India has made active efforts to engage in “dialogue diplomacy”. Indeed, India is one of only 25 countries in the world that has a consulate in the DPKR. Through the process of Foreign Office Consultations (FOC), there is a regular and meaningful exchange of opinions on bilateral matters of shared interest and concern (Panneerselvam, 2016). The goal is to establish peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula while acting as a bridge between North Korea and the West.

2. Current India-North Korea Relations

India and DPKR have concluded multiple bilateral agreements in science, technology, cultural exchanges and information technology. In May 2018, India’s former Minister of State for External Affairs, General V.K. Singh visited Pyongyang at the DPRK’s invitation to mark 45 years of diplomatic ties. The trip was followed by a second meeting with the DPRK’s Foreign Minister Ri Yong Ho in August 2018 on the side-lines of the ASEAN Regional Forum in Singapore. Prior to Singh’s visit, India appointed a Foreign Service officer to North Korea, Atul Malhari Gotsurve. As the new Ambassador, Gotsurve was featured prominently in the media for meeting and dialoguing frequently with North Korea’s leader.

New Delhi also accepted Pyongyang’s officials under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation Program (ITEC). North Korea has thus been a partner state since 1993. It has availed grants to send representatives to India for professional training and participation in programs in English language, education planning, administration, and development as well as implementation and management of computer software applications. New Delhi has also, on occasion, approved North Korean diplomats in its Professional Course for Foreign Diplomats (PCFD) at India’s Foreign Service Institute (Dorn and Fulton, 1997). However, since 2016, in response to global concerns that North Korean participation in space and satellite technology courses may have involved transferring knowledge that could be applied to the DPRK’s nuclear program, India limited these training activities.

Additionally, India has been extending humanitarian assistance to DPRK, which has suffered food shortages during the last few years due to natural calamities. The assistance provided from India included consignments of winter blankets, rice, wheat, baby food, polythene sheets among other essentials. India also donated medicines for the victims of the Ryongchon train blast. India has also provided food assistance worth USD $1 million through WFP in 2011, and again in 2016 (Fishman, Harrell and Rosenberg, 2017).

The DPRK Government also donated USD $30,000 to the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund for people affected by the tsunami of December 2004. Adding to this, in 2023, India’s gesture of providing medicinal products including anti-tuberculosis medicines highlights India’s longstanding medical diplomacy with North Korea.

Cultural cooperation initiatives between India and DPRK have also been plenty. Incoming and outgoing cultural troupes were sent over the last few years under the Cultural Agreement signed in 1976. Furthermore, The Korea-India Friendship Association (KIFA) was established in February 1970 by the Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (CCRFC) to foster friendly relations and to project India’s cultural image in DPRK.

3. Challenges Ahead for India-DPRK Engagement

A. Pyongyang’s Nuclear Ambitions

India has frequently condemned the DPRK’s nuclear programmes and voiced its concerns about the country’s aggressiveness while still maintaining diplomatic ties. This has resulted in a number of confiscation actions against North Korean ships and support for US operations, such as countering a North Korean aircraft thought to be transporting cutting-edge ballistic missile technology to Iran (Seong-Ryoul, 2009).

India is increasingly treating North Korea’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) program as a threat to Indian national security, giving it a greater stake in the North’s denuclearization and regional stability (Nanda, 2018). However, North Korea will not abandon its nuclear weapons in the immediate future or its further development of longer-range ballistic missiles. India is therefore unlikely to have much influence over North Korea or function as an effective intermediary. What part India can play in bringing Pyongyang closer to the international community is uncertain. India sees a potential serious warming of relations between the US and North Korea as a chance to talk to Pyongyang about its own interests.

B. The Pakistan Connection

Even more worrying for India is North Korea’s swiftly rising relationship with Pakistan. The  2018 visit to Pyongyang highlighted New Delhi’s concerns regarding this matter. In response, the DPRK stressed that “as a friendly country,” North Korea would “never allow any action that would create concerns for India’s security” (Kim-Hummel, 2016).

Despite such reassurances, there is a longstanding “illegitimate nuclear technological nexus” between Pyongyang and Islamabad, including Pakistan’s transfer of nuclear technology to the DPRK, that has always concerned India. Following India’s trade ban in 2017, Pakistan enhanced its trade volume with the DPRK and became one of its largest export destinations. New Delhi’s enhanced engagement could give Pyongyang an incentive to disentangle the Pakistan-DPRK nuclear connection.

C. Declining Trade Relations

Additionally, bilateral trade between India and DPRK declined during the recent past due to the latter’s financial crises. According to recent statistics from the financial year 2016-17, India’s exports to DPRK was USD $44.99 million and imports were USD $85.39 million. However, in recent adherence to the UNSC sanctions, India has banned all trade except for food and medicine with DPRK (Seong-Ryoul, 2009). At the moment, there appears to be no signs of resuming former trade relations.

4. Recommendations

India conveyed the need for the presence of a Western-friendly state to facilitate necessary “mutual dialogue” to resolve issues. As they seek to ease tensions with Pyongyang and advance towards disarmament, New Delhi’s ties to Pyongyang and its allegiance to Washington and Seoul may be helpful. New Delhi must position itself as a critical channel of communication with Pyongyang for the rest of the world (Armstrong, 2011). For this, India can continue strengthening its bilateral ties with Pyongyang, particularly in the areas of trade, investments, economic assistance, and diplomatic exchanges. Hence, its aspirations to play a more significant mediating role among the major protagonists may become more realistic as it emerges as a key Asian power.

The extent to which India can carve out such a role for itself, however, would invariably depend on the North’s willingness to abandon, or at least pause, its WMD program—which appears unlikely now.

Conclusion

India has stepped up its efforts to achieve the challenging objective of strengthening its influence in the Indo-Pacific region. It is also working to develop deeper linkages and political alignment with the US, Japan, and South Korea in the face of China’s assertive nationalism and unilateral attempts to change the territorial status quo, from its border with India to its illegal claims in the South China Sea. However, India’s unique strategic alliances with these three nations can make engagement with North Korea a difficult diplomatic manoeuvre at a time when US-DPRK relations are severely strained (Roy, 2017).

India’s foreign policy towards North Korea reflects a pragmatic and cautious approach. The former is seeking to balance its historical ties with careful adherence to international norms and obligations, particularly in relation to North Korea’s controversial nuclear programs. Hence, India’s engagement with North Korea should be driven by a combination of historical, regional, and strategic considerations.

References

  • Armstrong, Charles K. “Trends in the Study of North Korea.” The Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (2011): 357–71. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41302310.
  • Chari, P. R. “Recent Developments in North Korea: Repercussions for North-East Asia and the World”. Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, 2009. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep09353.
  • Cho, Seong-Ryoul. “North Korea’s Security Dilemma and Strategic Options”. The Journal of East Asian Affairs 23, no. 2 (2009): 69–102. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23258186.
  • Dorn, A. Walter, and Fulton, Andrew. “Securing Compliance with Disarmament Treaties: Carrots, Sticks, and the Case of North Korea.” Global Governance 3, no. 1 (1997): 17–40. http://www.jstor.org/stable/27800153.
  • Fishman, Edward, Harrell, Peter and Rosenberg, Elizabeth. “A Blueprint for New Sanctions on North Korea”. Center for a New American Security, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep06213.
  • Justin, Kim-Hummel. “Diplomatic Relations with the DPRK: India as a Global Case Study”. Global Politics Review 2, no. 1, April 2016: 50-64. https://www.globalpoliticsreview.com/publications/2464-9929_v02_i01_p50.pdf
  • Nanda, Biren. “The Regional Security Outlook in the Indo-Pacific: An Indian Perspective.” Edited by Ron Huisken, Kathryn Brett, Anthony Milner, Ric Smith, Philips Vermonte, and Jusuf Wanandi. CSCAP Regional Security Outlook 2018. Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific, 2018. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep22262.8.
  • Panneerselvam, Prakash. “Advancing India’s Relationship with Japan and South Korea: Quest for Middle-Power Cooperation”. Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, 2016. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep08992.
  • Roy, Denny. “Misunderstanding North Korea.” East-West Center, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep06455.
  • Smith, Hazel. “Bad, Mad, Sad or Rational Actor? Why the ‘Securitization’ Paradigm Makes for Poor Policy Analysis of North Korea.” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-) 76, no. 3 (2000): 593–617. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2625957.
  • Tayal, Skand R., and Sandip Kumar Mishra. “India and the Republic of Korea: A Growing Strategic Partnership.” Indian Foreign Affairs Journal 7, no. 3 (2012): 321–30. http://www.jstor.org/stable/45341836.

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Socioeconomic Impacts of the Gendered Pay Gap in India’s Labour Force

Suryansh is a motivated student pursuing Politics, Economics and Statistics in the 12th grade at Shiv Nadar SchoolGurgaon. He is passionate about making an impact in the worldthrough research. In the future, Suryansh hopes to create change through the arena of politics.

Abstract

The freedom to work – by choice, in conditions of dignity, safety and fairness – is integral to human welfare. Around the world, finding a job is much tougher for women than it is for men. When women are employed, they tend to work in low-quality jobs in vulnerable conditions, and earn much lesser than their male counterparts. Governments around the world have recognized this problem and the Indian Government is no exception. The gender pay gap in India is among the widest in the world and closing this gap can have huge benefits not just for the Indian economy but for its 685 million women. This paper finds out that occupational segregation, biases towards women and ‘time poverty’ of women are the main causes of the gender wage gap in India. The paper assesses the socio-economic impact of the wage gap on women and the economy and evaluates the Government policies for combating the problem. It ends with a discussion section where remedial measures are suggested.

Introduction 

The gender wage gap is defined as the difference between median earnings of men and women relative to median earnings of men (OECD). The gender pay gap is not the same as equal pay. Equal pay is where women and men are paid the same for performing the same role or different work of equal or comparable value. The gender pay gap reveals the overall economic power disparity between men and women in society. It is an indication of what types of jobs (and associated earnings) are occupied by women overall versus men overall (Payscale, 2023). 

In India, the market-determined wages for women performing similar work are considerably lower than those of men (MOSPI, 2022). The national average wage received per day by casual workers for Apr-June 2022 was Rs. 393/day for rural male workers and Rs. 265/day for rural female workers. The corresponding figures for urban workers were Rs. 483/ day for males and Rs. 333/ day for females (MOSPI, 2022). The disparity is greater in urban areas than in rural areas (MOSPI, 2022). Moreover, the gender wage gap has widened in rural areas over the past decade, although it has narrowed in towns (Thakur, 2023).

Historically speaking the wage gap between Indian women and men had reduced from 48% in 1993-94 to 28% by 2018-19. However, the gap increased by 7% between 2018-19 and 2020-21 due the COVID- 19 pandemic (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). As per International Labour Organisation estimates the gender pay gap in India stands at 27% as of 2023. The gender pay gap in India is among the widest in the world.

A report titled ‘The Glass Ceiling- Leadership Gender Balance in NSE 200 Companies’ highlights the gender pay gap in India’s corporate sector. Women executives in India earn an average of Rs 85 for every Rs 100 earned by their male counterparts. The pay gap widens as we move up the hierarchy. The report, demonstrates that while women at the individual contributor level get 2.2 per cent less than men working in similar roles, the pay gap widens to 3.1 per cent for managers/supervisors as well as 4.9-6.1 per cent for directors and senior executives (Agarwal, 2022).

While the gender pay gap is slowly narrowing, at the current rate of progress it will take more than 70 years to close it completely (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). An analysis of gender wage gap also warrants a discussion of the low female labour force participation or FLFPR in India. India’s FLFPR has been falling for the last three decades despite the growth in it’sGDP. The gap between India’s male and female labour force participation rate stands at a staggering 50% (ILO estimates, 2022). This gender divide also reflects in the wide gap between the male and female wages in the country.

Some factors contributing to the gendered wage gap in India include:

1) Occupational Segregation: Occupational Segregation results in gender pay gap when women and men tend to concentrate in different industries and different jobs, with female-dominated industries and jobs attracting lower wages. “Women workers remain highly over-represented in the low value-added industries as well as occupations, such as agriculture, textiles, and domestic service,” These low-value-added industries mean that women continue to be on the lower end of the pay scale (Basole, 2018).

2) Cultural Biases: Gender pay gaps arise because of various kinds of biases that women face. These include Conscious and unconscious discrimination and bias in hiring and pay decisions is a global cause of gender pay gap (WGEA, 2023). In the Indian context, FSG survey 2023 findings reveal five kinds of biases against hiring females (Goenka et al., 2023). 

3) Glass ceilings from gendered leadership : A study conducted by IIM-Ahmedabad argues that salaries of women executives in India are low because, it’s mostly men who decide how much a woman is paid, and women find fewer mentors and role models. The IIM-A studyshows that women representation at the senior management level stands at just 7% while at the top management level it is a meagre 5%. 21 organisations out of the 200 have only one woman in top management whereas 76 do not even have a single woman in top management. The number of women directors at the top level in NSE 500 companies has jumped to 16 per cent in 2022 from 4.5 per cent in 2014 owing to regulatory requirements. However, this has not translated into equal pay for women executives. The pay gap widens as we move up the hierarchy. In the global context an ILO report observes, “When women are managers, they tend to be more concentrated in management support functions such as human resources and financial administration than in more strategic roles. This brings down the average salary of female managers compared to that of male managers” (Bureau for Employer’s activities, 2019). This is true in the Indian context too. In India, 60 % of Human Resources roles get closed with women applicants (India Today, 2022).

4) Biases against mothers: Motherhood pay gap or motherhood penalty is defined as lower wages for mothers compared to non-mothers. (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). Some instances of motherhood penalty are  “when employers perceive mothers as being less competent and committed than non-mothers, and hold them to much higher professional standards. They are also hired and promoted less often, and generally receive lower salaries (Patnaik, 2021). Similar assertions regarding less hiring of mothers are made by Das and Zumbyte,  who have investigated the motherhood penalty in the Indian context. Using regression analysis they established an increasingly negative relationship between the probability of Indian women getting employed and the presence of a young child in their households. Their results show that although the onus of childbearing may have reduced, that of caregiving has increased (Das & Zumbyte , 2017).

An amendment to the Act in 2017 increased paid maternity leave from 12 to 26 weeks. Though well-meaning, there have been certain unintended fallouts of this change. Firstly, “it fortifies notions of care-giving being primarily the onus of the woman, and thus reinforces and raises the risk of women being subject to the motherhood penalty” (Patnaik, 2021). Considering that the burden of paid maternity leave falls on the employer, it has become another factor contributing to lesser hiring of female employees (Mittal, 2023). A survey by Teamlease has found that, more than 50% of the male employees felt that there is an increase in gender bias against women in the last two years in spite of the implementation of the Maternity Benefit Act. 36% of the male respondents felt that both the parents should get paid leave for childcare (India Today, 2020).

5) Biases in education: Gender norms and patriarchal structures in India perpetuate investments in male education and male dominated professions. It leads to a vicious cycle of limited opportunities for women education and perpetuating occupational segregation and wage gaps. Lack of appropriate skill, education and training is also commonly believed to be a for the wage gap amongst Indian women. STEM majors are likely to dominate higher-paying occupations, and women in India are significantly outnumbered by men in these majors (Sonali, 2023). Additionally, Women are unable to devote much time to job trainings, unlike men who can undergo long job trainings making them earn more than women workers (Javeed & Manuhaar, 2013). The burden of household duties leads many young girls to sacrifice their education and hence limits their earning potential. Gender gaps in financial literacy, also give rise to wage gaps (Sonali, 2023).

6) Time poverty of Indian women: The International Labor Organisation (ILO) estimates that unpaid care work is amongst the most critical barriers preventing women from joining and remaining in the workforce. This disproportionate burden of unpaid care work creates what is called “time poverty”, which inhibits women’s ability to dedicate time to paid work and acquire the skills necessary to seek better job opportunities. (Nikore, 2022). The time use survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) in 2019 confirms a persistent pattern of “time poverty” suffered by women in India (Mehta & Mehta, 2020). Indian women do the most unpaid care and domestic work of any country globally, except Kazakhstan (Mehta & Mehta, 2020). Women in India spend an average of 7.2 hours on unpaid work, while men spend 2.8 hours (Express News Service, 2023). The NSSO survey, 2019 showed that men spent a longer time in employment-related activities (459 minutes per day) than women (333 minutes per day) (Mehta & Mehta, 2020).

Socioeconomic Impacts of The Gender Wage Gap

The Gender Gap Report, 2023 prepared by Payscale, estimates the impact of gender wage gap on a women’s lifetime earnings. The difference between lifetime earnings for the average male worker and for the average female worker (when all compensable factors are controlledfor) amounts to roughly $70,000 for no attributable reason other than gender The difference increases to $ 900,000 when compensable factors are uncontrolled (Payscale, 2023). The increase is attributable to, gendered opportunity barriers to holding higher-level, higher-paying jobs. It is to be noted that these estimates do not account for lost benefits, investments, promotions, or other compounding factors on lifetime wealth.

We know that the gender wage gap in India is much wider than the global averages. In the absence of India specific research, by using these global estimates we can assume that the lifetime economic loss for Indian women would be much higher.

Apart from economic loss, the gender wage gap also translates into other negative consequences for women such as hindering their economic empowerment, amplifying family and societal pressures on them, perpetuating gender inequality and dampening their spirit. Since pay and quality of work are directly correlated low pay can also impact the quality of work

Gender wage gap not only affects individual women’s economic prospects but also hurts overall economic growth. A McKinsey Global Institute report finds that $12 trillion could be added to global GDP by 2025 by advancing women’s equality. The corresponding estimate for India’s incremental GDP is $0.7 trillion. The report estimates that with an estimate of a staggering 16% increase in GDP, India’s gain could be more than any other country. (Woetzelet al., 2015)

At the organizational level also, there are multiple benefits that can arise from having a gender diverse workforce and equitable practices. A survey conducted by the Peterson Institute for International Economics in 2016 found that companies with at least 30% of women in senior management had a 15% higher profit. Reducing the wage gap also translates into lower employee attrition, creation of a better brand and increased employee productivity.

Policy Recommendations

India enacted the Minimum Wages Act in 1948 (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). The Act provisions for statutory fixation of minimum wages that must be paid to skilled and unskilled labours irrespective of gender. This was followed by the adoption of the Equal Remuneration Act in 1976 (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). This Act provides for equal pay to men & women for equal work. In 2019, India consolidated both the legislations and enacted the Code on Wages, 2019. This code too provides for the prohibition of discrimination on the basis ofgender (Deshpande & Ungender Blog Team, 2021).

The International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No.100) that solidified the principle of equal remuneration for men and women. It was ratified by India in 1958 (Deshpande & Ungender Blog Team, 2021). The convention recognises the difference between the principle of ‘work of similar nature’ and ‘work of equal value’ and adopts the latter. The latter is more comprehensive and progressive as by using this principle, two completely different jobs can be taken and analysed using factors such as the effort needed, required skills, decision making involved while working etc. It is quite unfortunate that though India ratified the convention, the Indian law doesn’t adopt the principle of ‘work of equal value’ to comprehensively address the problem of gender wage gap.

In 2005, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) was introduced (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). It is a key safety net for rural Indian women in times of distress and guarantees them a wage equal to men. MGNREGA has benefited rural women workers and helped reduce the gender pay gap (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). However, it is important to note that MGNREGA wages are lower than even minimum wages for agriculture in 17 out of 21 major states (Aggarwal & Paikra, 2020). There is also a perpetual shortage of work under the scheme along with delay in payments. To encourage women to participate, childcare facilities and crèches at worksites are required, but overlooked (SunainaKumar, 2022).

In 2017, the Government amended the Maternity Benefit Act of 1961, which increased the ‘maternity leave with pay protection’ from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for all women working in establishments employing 10 or more workers. This was expected to reduce the motherhood pay gap among mothers in the median and high-end wage earners working in the formal economy. We have discussed in the preceding pages the unfortunate negative impact that this amendment has had on female employment.

A McKinsey Global Institute Report links, for the first time, gender equality in work with gender equality in society, saying that, “The former is not possible without the latter” (Bhattacharya, 2018). Gender equality in society is the fundamental pre-requisite to close the gender wage gap, eliminate gender based segregation of jobs and balance the burden of unpaid care on women. Policies and programs need to be geared for changing the gender norms at all levels of society. Campaigns should be created for promoting gender equality, sharing household workload and respecting female employment. 

This needs to be followed with creating a female workforce friendly environment at organizational levels. Pay transparency, investment in female training and child care support, flexible work arrangements, sensitization of male employees are some steps that can help.

Government should rope in private sector and charitable organizations for contributing to public awareness campaigns. Investment in reliable child care facilities, female education, mandating more female employment at senior levels are certain measures that can help bridge the wage gap. Government should also adopt the principle of “ Equal pay for work of equal value” in the law.

India is the fastest growing economy in the world today. In order that the rewards of India’s development are equitably distributed, bridging the gender wage gap is a fundamental pre requisite. Gender wage gaps have seen a decline over the past decade but the pace of change is not fast enough to get timely benefits to half it’s population. The systemic causes of this wage divide call for consistent and massive action on the part of the government, society and employers.

References

Agarwal, P. (2022, February 9). The Glass Ceiling: Research Report on Leadership Gender Balance in NSE 200 Companies. IIMA. https://vslir.iima.ac.in:8443/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11718/24912/GSReport.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y

Aggarwal, A., & Paikra, V. K. (2020, October 12). Why Mnrega wages are so low. ThePrint. https://theprint.in/opinion/why-mnrega-wages-are-so-low/520982/

Basole, A. (2018). (rep.). State of Working India 2018. Azim Premji University.https://cse.azimpremjiuniversity.edu.in/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/State_of_Working_India_2018-1.pdf.

Bhattacharya, S. (2018, June 18). Why we aren’t closing the gender gap at work. India Development Review.https://idronline.org/close-the-gender-gap-at-work/?gclid=Cj0KCQjwuZGnBhD1ARIsACxbAVjxGHdoBAZlXNf1dCZT8HzOn25MYgbBicOvY9RkRl0x8KSAHGRj0oaAsv_EALw_wcB

Bureau for Employers’ Activities. (2019). (rep.). Women in business and management- The business case for change. International labour organization.https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/— dcomm/–publ/documents/publication/wcms_700953.pdf.

Das, Maitreyi B and Zumbyte, Ieva, (2017), The motherhood penalty and female employment in urban India, No 8004, Policy Research Working Paper Series, The World Bank, https://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:wbk:wbrwps:8004.

Desai, K. (2021, March 2). 85% of indian women have missed out on a raise or promotion due to gender. Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-times/85-of-indian-women-have-missed-out-on-raise-or-promotion-due-to-gender/articleshow/81286910.cms.

Deshpande, A., & Ungender Blog Team. (2021, January 27). Will the new labour code on wages fix the gender pay gap in India?. Ungender. https://www.ungender.in/impact-on-code-of-wages-2019-on-gender-pay- gap-india/

Goenka, P., Jain, V., Rathi, S., & Mukherji, R. (2023, March 7). Creating a gender-equitable workforce in India.

FSG. https://www.fsg.org/resource/creating-a-gender-equitable-workforce-in-india/

India Today. (2020, November 27). More than 50% men feel increase in workplace bias against women because of maternity benefits: study. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/latest- studies/story/more-than-50-men-feel-increase-in-workplace-bias-against-women-because-of-maternity-benefits-study-1744661-2020-11-27.

India Today. (2022, August 30). Women professionals lead the hr domain: report. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/latest-studies/story/women-professionals-lead-the-hr-domain-report-1994335-2022-08-30.

Mehta, B., & Mehta, N. (2020, December 11). Urgent need to address women’s time-poverty. The Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/red-button-day-light/urgent-need-to-address-womens-time-poverty/.

Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. (n.d.). 4.4 participation in economy – mospi.https://www.mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/women-men22/ParticiptionEconomy22.pdf

Mittal, M. (2023, March 10). Why are Indian women dropping out of workforce at an alarming rate? Moneycontrol. https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/business/why-are-indian-women-dropping-out-of-workforce-at-an-alarming-rate-10228271.html

Nikore, M. (2022, October 19). Building India’s economy on the backs of women’s unpaid work: A genderedanalysis of time-use data. ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/research/building-indias-economy-on-the-backs-of-womens-unpaid-work/#_edn8

Patnaik, A. (2021, October 6). The motherhood penalty that employers must eliminate.Livemint. https://www.livemint.com/opinion/online-views/the-motherhood-penalty-that-employers-must-eliminate-11633536201944.html.

Payscale. (2023, March 13). 2023 gender pay gap report (GPGR).https://www.payscale.com/research-and-insights/gender-pay-gap/#module-5

Sonali. (2023, May 10). Understanding the widening gender pay gap in India. InHunt World.https://inhuntworld.com/understanding-the-widening-gender-pay-gap-in-india/

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Photo by Nadine Shaabana on Unsplash

The Portrayal of Physical Violence Against Women: A Case Study of the Indian Bollywood Film Industry

Aashima Keswani is passionate about media, gender equality and human rights. She enjoys theatre and finds computer science fascinating. Currently, Aashima is in the 12th grade at The International School Bangalore. She hopes to become a human rights lawyer in the future.

Introduction

Bollywood is one of the world’s largest film industries in terms of the number of movies released per year and by the amount of annual revenues generated. However, it is also a perpetrator of existing prejudices and violence against women in India. This involves positive depictions of dominating men who create a cycle of unjust treatment, and physical violence or aggression towards women. Hence, Bollywood can be considered an agent among a myriad of complex social forces in Indian society that allow women to experience sexism of various kinds, including physical violence and harassment.

This research paper will analyze Bollywood’s role in perpetuating regressive gender norms, particularly physical violence against women. Specifically, the scope of this research paper will focus on the positive portrayal of physical violence against women in Bollywood films. By exploring current guidelines in promoting gender-positive content in India, this paper will propose policy recommendations and government interventions.

The Current Scenario

Statistics indicate that 2 out of 3 women in India experience physical violence or aggression by men in their lifetime. Furthermore, India was ranked the most dangerous country for women due to high rates of sexual violence, human trafficking, and female infanticide (Reuters 2019). The factors that shape and propagate India’s culture of violence towards women are many and diverse. These include patriarchal laws within the Indian legal system, corrupt law enforcement, cultural traditions such as the dowry system, certain religious doctrines spread across all major religions in India and the lack of concepts of gender equality and sexual rights in Indian public-school curriculums.

In this soci0-cultural scenario, some Bollywood movies act as agents in perpetrating negative social norms and perceptions around women’s position in Indian society. Indeed, the National Crime Records Bureau of India has noted that Indian women are often assaulted by men whose intents are to “outrage [their] modesty”. Hence the type of crimes committed against Indian women – which include stalking, acid attacks, voyeurism, honor killings, female infanticide, sex-selection abortions and rape – reflect the unequal and vulnerable position that women generally occupy in Indian society.

For analyzing the gender bias portrayed in movies, the WEAT score can be useful. Using the English subtitles of the highest-grossing Indian movies, the WEAT Score uses a mathematical complex to calculate the male bias in a movie. In a comparison between the highest-grossing Bollywood, Hollywood, and World Media, Bollywood movies had the highest WEAT Score (Greater positive bias towards men) in comparison with the other media industries.

While the industry is problematic, it is essential to note that not all Bollywood films depict violence against women. This research paper will focus on exploring certain traits within some Bollywood films that have been criticized for perpetuating harmful stereotypes about gender-based roles and glorifying such actions. Specifically, it will analyze how Bollywood films can strongly encourage the sexual objectification of women through specific aspects within story narratives.

For one, in some Bollywood movies, physical violence against women is portrayed as a routine occurrence in some Bollywood movies. It is often used for dramatic effect without addressing the consequences or the seriousness of such actions. This normalization can desensitize the audience to the real-world impact of violence against women. The movie Humpty Sharma ki Dulhania portrays the male protagonist in a positive light in the form of a physically violent and dominating lead character (played by Bollywood actor Varun Dhawan).

Additionally, many Bollywood films include item songs, a term often used to refer to musical scenarios that objectify dancing women through physical aggression or harassment. These songs are known for their sexualized and demeaning imagery and lyrics, contributing to the sexual objectification of women in Indian cinema. An example of this can include Bollywood actress Kareena Kapoor’s performance in the song ‘Chikni Chameli’[1]. In it, the actress portrays a dancer who is leered at and at times physically harassed by male onlookers as she dances to a sexually suggestive song.

Furthermore, a subset of Bollywood films have perpetuated regressive narratives where women are subjected to domestic violence, and their suffering is shown in a melodramatic or sensationalized manner. Such depictions risk perpetuating harmful stereotypes and minimizing the seriousness of the issue. Moreover, such storylines often portray female victims of physical violence at the hands of male perpetrators as forgiving of these incidents. This further reinforces the social messaging that such behavior from male perpetrators is normal.

Existing Government Regulations

Currently, India does not have explicit laws that guide the portrayal of physical violence against women in films. However, some regulatory mechanisms and guidelines exist. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC)[2] plays a pivotal role in certifying films for public exhibition. It can recommend cuts or alterations based on concerns related to content, including gendered portrayals. The CBFC operates under the Cinematograph Act, of 1952, which provides the legal framework for the certification and exhibition of films in India.

Films that depict women in derogatory or exploitative ways may therefore face certification challenges. The 1986 Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act bans depiction in any manner of the figure of a woman; her form or body or any part thereof in such a way as to have the effect of being indecent, or derogatory to, or denigrating women, or is likely to deprave, corrupt or injure the public morality or morals. It includes penalties of imprisonment from 6 months to 5 years and a fine of 10,000 to 1,000,000 Indian rupees. Organizations such as the Indian Film and Television Directors’ Association (IFTDA) have formulated guidelines to promote gender-positive content. However, the extent to which these guidelines are adhered to remains a matter of industry practice. Decisions often depend on the individual interpretation of the board members and can sometimes appear arbitrary.

In terms of the Gender-Based pay disparity, two main acts exist in favour of equal pay rights. The Equal Remuneration Act, established in 1976, prohibits discrimination in remuneration based on gender and mandates employers to provide equal pay for equal work. This implies that male and female actors performing similar roles with similar levels of skill and responsibility should be paid equally. The 1948 Minimum Wages Act does not specifically address gender-based disparities. This act set a minimum wage requirement that all employers must pay to employees and aims to ensure all workers, irrespective of gender receive minimum wage.

Moreover, the #MeToo movement in 2018 impacted the Bollywood Industry. This movement led to discussions and accountability about gender disparities and encouraged women working within the industry to discuss their stories of sexual violence and harassment.

Policy recommendations

  1. Equal Pay Audits and Transparency

Insightful metrics regarding the current scenario in Bollywood around gender disparity is pay disparity. Multiple top celebrities have made public statements regarding the disparities they have faced in the industry. Bollywood actress Tapsee Panu stated that men who started work in the industry at the same time as her earn 3-5 times more than her. Experts recommend that reducing pay disparity between men and women will positively affect social perceptions around the latter.

To address this, implementing mandatory equal pay audits for Bollywood productions would require producers to disclose salary information and ensure that male and female actors receive equitable compensation for similar roles and responsibilities. This would further establish transparent reporting mechanisms that publicly disclose gender pay disparities in films and promote accountability within the industry.

  • Gender Sensitivity Training

Mandating gender sensitivity training for all industry professionals would help raise awareness about gender biases and stereotypes. This would raise awareness about gender biases and stereotypes. This would further help with the on-screen portrayal of women as well and ensure that more movies portray gender positive media which is consumed by the Indian population.

  • Gender-Positive Industry Guidelines and Codes of Conduct

Developing and enforcing industry-specific guidelines and codes of conduct which address gender-based discrimination and harassment could help provisions for fair pay and respectful treatment of women on and off-screen.

  • Affirmative Action through Leadership Roles for Women

Encourage the appointment of women in leadership positions, both in production houses and film-related organizations, to influence decision-making processes and promote gender-inclusive practices within the industry.

Conclusion

India is a country where media has an unparalleled impact on shaping societal norms and perceptions. As the influence of digital globalization rapidly increases, it becomes crucial to understand sexism in Bollywood to offset negative societal impacts. Media is critical in reflecting the society they are shown to, as well as shaping and influencing this society. While progress has been made recently, the industry still contains heavy influences of gender bias, unequal pay, and objectification of women both in on-screen portrayals and behind-the-scenes roles.

In recent years, there has been increased awareness and advocacy for more responsible and respectful portrayals of women in Bollywood movies. This has led to a growing emphasis on empowering female characters, telling stories of resilience and strength, and addressing the negative impact of violence against women on individuals and society.

While the portrayal of physical violence against women in Bollywood movies remains a topic of concern, it’s crucial to acknowledge the industry’s capacity to influence and change societal norms. As public awareness and conversations around gender-related issues continue to grow, Bollywood is also experiencing a transformation in its storytelling and representation of women.

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[1] “Chikni Chameli.” Youtube, uploaded by SonyMusicIndiaVevo, 26 September 2013.

[2] THE CINEMATOGRAPH ACT, 1952, https://www.cbfcindia.gov.in/cbfcAdmin/assets/pdf/cine_act1952.pdf

innova pliocy

Bilaspur: A Smart City in the making

The Problem:
The Smart Cities Mission of the Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India is an
opportunity for up-and-coming cities to develop a vision for their future. Bilaspur in the state of
Chhattisgarh is one such emerging city – relatively quiet, low profile and typical of an urban area
in India with its unorganized pace of development. It is not too late for Bilaspur to develop a
strategy of urban development for a sustainable future. Chhattisgarh thus nominated Bilaspur
for the ‘City Challenge’ of the Smart Cities Mission.
As funding from the Smart Cities Mission is allotted in phases, the ‘City Challenge’ has been
held every year since 2014 (when the scheme was first introduced) in order to determine which
cities would receive funding during each phase. To compete for selection in the ‘City Challenge’,
aspiring cities prepare a strong proposal that argues why they should qualify. The Ministry of
Urban Development requires that the Smart City Proposal covers several components including
city profiling and key performance indicators, vision and goals, strategy for redevelopment and
retrofitting, citizen engagement etc. Residents of nominated cities were required to be engaged
and consulted for preparing an inclusive vision for the city.


Why D21:
The last 2 rounds of the ‘City Challenge’ have witnessed 60 cities winning approval for funding.
Bilaspur is putting its hopes on Round 3 and have made careful preparations to increase its
chances of selection. City municipalities are allowed to hire external agencies for preparing the
SCP. D21 was engaged specifically for handling the task of citizen engagement and consultation
during Round 3.


Description:
The process stretched from January to March of this year and primarily included intensive door-
to-door surveys of all 66 wards of Bilaspur city (the smallest body of local government in
Bilaspur), organizing consultation meetings with significant sectors of development (including
transport, energy and health among others) and gathering inputs from students on their vision
of a Smart Bilaspur. Vulnerable sections of society, including the disabled and women were
provided special attention.
As residents were generally unaware about the Smart Cities Mission and unsure of how they
can participate, outreach activities were essential in order to inform the public about the same.
This included 400,000 advertising SMS that were sent out to mobile phone users in Bilaspur. A
vehicle covered the city of Bilaspur announcing pertinent information regarding the Smart City
Proposal as well as the citizen engagement activities that were organized.

With the onset of the digital revolution in India, digital tools for engagement and for spreading
awareness were utilized. Comments, suggestions and inputs from residents of Bilaspur were
found on different websites of the government (smartbilaspur.in, mygov.in) as well as on social
media platforms including Facebook and Twitter.


Implementation Challenges:
It was an enormous task considering the size of the population of Bilaspur (roughly 330,000
according to the census data from 2011). Time was also a big constraint regarding efficient
execution of the engagement strategy, as citizens were engaged and consulted for a mere 2
months while the rest of the time was spent in formulation of the strategy and preparation of
the final SCP. Though it was in everyone’s best interests to further the digital revolution in India
by promoting online polling, it was difficult to shift citizens away from the conventional method
of paper surveys. The survey teams found that most residents from the lower classes did not
possess smart phones or computers.


Outcome:
The results of the citizen engagement process have been presented in the form of data
analytics and incorporated within the final SCP.