Posts in category: Case Study

Shria is currently enrolled in Grade 12 at Inventure Academy. She is passionate about understanding people across cultures and has developed the ability to do so while growing up in the UK, the Middle East and in India. Combining this interest with a strong enthusiasm towards the field of Economics, she wishes to specialize in behavioral economics at the undergraduate level.

Abstract

The Mid-Day Meal Scheme has been implemented in India since 1995. Its primary goal is to provide free, nutritious meals to underprivileged children, thereby promoting equality among children by eradicating hunger – an obstacle in the pursuit of school education. This research article argues that the mid-day meal scheme is a quintessential example of leveraging nudge theory in public policy. The article will explore the scheme’s objectives, its alignment with nudge theory, and the positive impact it has had on enrollment numbers and increased attendance among Indian students in public schools. The article will also delve into the limitations of the scheme, the current challenges faced by policymakers and offer policy recommendations for improvement.

Introduction

Nudge theory is based on the principle that people can be “nudged” to make certain decisions. An important aspect of “nudging” includes a “choice architecture – the responsibility for organizing and presenting the options that influence people’s decisions (Agnihotri, 2010). A choice architecture can aim for a desired outcome by arranging the choices in a specific manner, but still maintaining the freedom to choose. The Midday Meal Scheme in India stands as a compelling testament to the potential of nudge theory and the concept of choice architecture in shaping public policy and societal outcomes. In this case, public policy has leveraged nudge theory to encourage better decisions and positive societal changes without applying strict mandates or restrictions.

This government scheme has nourished millions of underprivileged children and significantly influenced enrollment and attendance (Bhagwat, Sankar, Sachdeva & Joseph, 2014). Through subtle nudges, it has made the compelling case for attending school consistently with the prospect of consuming nutritious meals, transforming the pursuit of education into a convenient and desirable choice for parents and students alike. This research paper examines how nudge theory is applied in India’s education policy, and how it has positively affected student enrolment and attendance numbers.

The Objectives of the Mid-Day Meal Scheme

The Mid-Day Meal scheme, initiated on the 15th of August 1995 is one of India’s earliest and most significant nudging policies in the sphere of education. First implemented in Tamil Nadu before expanding to Gujrat, Kerala, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa in 1995, the scheme became a Supreme Court order in November 2001. The court adjudicated that implementation of the scheme fulfills the ‘right to food’, thereby instructing all states to implement the Mid-Day Meal Scheme in public schools (Sripathi, Mohapatra, Dehury, Surya, Behera & Dehury, 2023).

Since 2001, guidelines were also issued by the government to ensure a minimum nutritional quality to the meals provided. For instance, it was directed that the minimum calorie intake should be 300 with 8-12 grams of protein each day for a minimum of 200 days. This scheme also allowed collaboration with non-governmental organizations to provide the meals. Indeed, in Rajasthan there are instances of public-private partnerships for supplying the mid-day meals to public schools (Sahai, 2014).

By employing the principles of choice architecture, the scheme gently nudges parents and students towards positive behaviors, making school attendance an attractive option due to the availability of nutritious food. Empirical evidence demonstrates the scheme’s success. Enrollments have increased, with significant improvements in attendance and retention, particularly among girls. Gross enrollment ratios at the national level have surged, highlighting the effectiveness of this policy (Khera, 2006).

The scheme aimed to increase student enrollment, retention and learning abilities of the students by providing free, nourishing meals to poor and downtrodden children. This scheme also aimed to create a sense of equality between genders and children from different income groups as everyone is getting the same meals. The larger objective of this scheme was to eliminate the problem of classroom hunger, which was documented as a major obstacle in an effective learning system directed towards children from lower-income households (Bhagwat, Sankar, Sachdeva & Joseph, 2014).

Hence, according to Kaur (2021), the Mid-day Meal Scheme successfully embodies elements of nudge theory by leveraging the concept of “choice architecture” in ensuring that children and their households make the healthy choice (attending school and consuming nutritious food). The scheme makes school attendance the easy and attractive option for parents as they save money on food by sending their children to school (Bonds, 2012). The scheme aligns with nudge theory’s principles of designing policies that guide individuals towards beneficial decisions, ultimately fostering better nutrition and education outcomes.

With the introduction of the midday meal scheme, there were multiple benefits in enrolment, attendance, and retention of enrolled students. Studies indicate that after the MDM scheme was implemented, the enrolment of boys from both rural and urban backgrounds in Ghorakpur and Sharangpur increased from 336 to 367. The enrolment of girls from both rural and urban backgrounds increased from 239 to 331. Attendance increased of children from both rural and urban backgrounds from 82.9% to 86.5% (Paltasingh & Bhue, 2022). The retention of boys from both urban and rural backgrounds across India decreased from 98.17% to 98% and for girls from rural and urban backgrounds, it increased from 96.28% to 97.33%. Furthermore, the all-India gross enrolment ratio after the scheme was implemented rose from 78.51 in 1971 to 112.96 (Laxmaiah, Rao, Reddy, Ravindranath, Rao & Vijayaraghavan, 1999). The mid-day meal scheme also played a crucial role in decreasing the dropouts especially among girls which was significant in bringing some form of equality among all sections of society within the students.

Although these policies have pushed for beneficial improvements, they also confronted a number of obstacles, such as problems with the infrastructure, a lack of financing, and teacher shortages. Firstly, there is inadequate infrastructure in public schools in India. This implies, for instance that food grains are stored in classes, posing a risk of rats habituating the premises unhygienically to eat the grains. Research also indicates that there is a serious delay in the release of funds, of anywhere between 3 to 4 months (Palanisamy, Kalaivani, Rajasekaran & Sunil, 2011). Public schools hence often must pool their own limited resources to purchase items like vegetables and oils which creates an opportunity cost for them in terms of improving the infrastructure of the school instead.

The National Institute of Public Finance and Policy analyzed in 2018 the fiscal implications of the Midday meal scheme. The program demands substantial funds to purchase food, ensure its quality, and keep the infrastructure in working order. This expense may put a burden on state finances by taking money away from other crucial areas like healthcare. Furthermore, it may be difficult for states to maintain the program continuously due to changes in food costs and the requirement for stable budgetary contributions and this fiscal pressure may have an impact on the states’ overall economic goals for development and stability (Sahai, 2014).

Recommendations

Based on the above-mentioned problems of the midday meal, there can be some suggestions on ways to improve the policy. One would be to strictly enforce hygiene and safety standards since the data indicates multiple hygiene and storage issues (Ramachandran, 2019). Hence proper infrastructure and facilities to maintain the sanitary standards should be provided. Moreover, there should be regular inspections conducted to ensure hygiene and prevent any rodent infestations. Implement a robust quality control mechanism to monitor the sourcing, storage, and preparation of food items, ensuring they meet hygiene and nutritional standards.

Also, to ensure sure that funding is provided timely there should be an implementation of a more efficient bureaucratic system which makes sure that funds are provided on time (Verma, 2015). Local governments can also explore partnerships with private sector businesses for the procurement and distribution of food, which can reduce government costs, increase efficiency and fulfill the firm’s corporate social responsibility (CSR) objectives. The government could also conduct an analysis to identify areas where cost savings can be made without compromising on food quality, such as bulk purchases or developing a more efficient food distribution system.

Encourage community participation in the planning and implementation of the MDM scheme to foster a sense of ownership and accountability (Agnihotri, 2010). Promote involvement of local women’s groups, NGOs, and community leaders in monitoring and providing feedback on the program.

Conclusion

Despite its successes, challenges persist including infrastructure inadequacies, delayed funding, and fiscal pressures pose substantial hurdles. However, it is important to recognize these challenges as opportunities for improvement. Strict enforcement of hygiene standards, regular inspections, and efficient bureaucratic processes are some of the policy recommendations that are vital for the sustained success of the scheme. Additionally, partnerships with the private sector could optimize resource utilization, enhance efficiency, and fulfill corporate social responsibility (Sripathi, Mohapatra, Dehury, Surya, Behera & Dehury, 2023).

Moreover, a critical analysis of cost-saving avenues, like bulk purchases and improved distribution systems can alleviate financial strains for both administrative entities and public schools. Addressing these issues will not only bolster the Midday Meal Scheme’s impact but also reinforce the core tenets of nudge theory in public policy (Palanisamy, Kalaivani, Rajasekaran & Sunil, 2011). By continuously refining these nudges and overcoming challenges, India can ensure that every child receives equitable and excellent educational opportunities, thus fulfilling the true promise of nudge theory in transforming society. While nudge-based policies have advanced the cause of education in India, there are still issues that must be resolved to maximize their impact. Prioritizing the creation of reliable infrastructure, streamlining financing procedures, filling teacher shortages, and improving data accuracy are all tasks for policymakers (Deodhar, Mahandiratta, Ramani, Mavalankar, Ghosh & Braganza, 2012). By doing this, India may better realize the promise of the nudge theory to provide all of its children with fair and excellent educational opportunities.  

References

• Agnihotri, Simmi. “An Assessment of the Mid-Day Meal Scheme in India—A Study.” Indian Journal of Public Administration 56, no. 3 (2010): 635
• Bhagwat, Sadhana, Rajan Sankar, Ruchika Sachdeva, and Leena Joseph. “Improving the nutrition quality of the school feeding program (Mid-Day Meal) in India through fortification: a case study.” Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition 23 (2014).
• Bonds, Stephanie. “Food for thought: Evaluating the impact of India’s mid-day meal program on educational attainment.” University of California, Berkeley (2012).641.
• Deodhar, Satish Y., Sweta Mahandiratta, K. V. Ramani, Dileep V. Mavalankar, Sandip Ghosh, and Vincent SJ Braganza. “Mid day meal scheme: Understanding critical issues with reference to Ahmedabad city.” (2007).
• Kaur, Randeep. “Estimating the impact of school feeding programs: Evidence from mid day meal scheme of India.” Economics of Education Review 84 (2021): 102171.
• Khera, Reetika. “Mid-day meals in primary schools: Achievements and challenges.” Economic and political Weekly (2006): 4742-4750.
• Laxmaiah, A., K. V. Rameshwar Sarma, D. Hanumantha Rao, G. Reddy, M. Ravindranath, M. Vishnuvardhan Rao, and K. Vijayaraghavan. “Impact of mid-day meal program on educational and nutritional status of school children in Karnataka.” Indian Pediatrics 36, no. 12 (1999): 1221-1228.
• Navaneethan, Palanisamy, Thiagarajan Kalaivani, Chandrasekaran Rajasekaran, and Nautiyal Sunil. “Nutritional status of children in rural India: a case study from Tamil Nadu, first in the world to initiate the Mid-Day Meal scheme.” Health 3, no. 10 (2011): 647.
• Paltasingh, Tattwamasi, and Prakash Bhue. “Efficacy of mid-day meal scheme in India: challenges and policy concerns.” Indian Journal of Public Administration 68, no. 4 (2022): 610-623.
• Ramachandran, Prema. “School mid-day meal programme in India: past, present, and future.” The Indian Journal of Pediatrics 86, no. 6 (2019): 542-547.
• Sahai, Chandra Shekhar. “Mid-day meal scheme: Achievements and challenges.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention 3, no. 10 (2014): 6-9.
• Sharma, Riya. “Mid-day meal scheme in India: the road ahead.” Dev Country Stud 5, no. 11 (2015).
• Sripathi, Nishchala, Jagatabandhu Mohapatra, Parthsarathi Dehury, Surya Neeragatti, Sangita Behera, and Ranjit Kumar Dehury. “The Function of Mid-day Meal Scheme: A Critical Analysis of Existing Policies and Procedures in Rayagada District of Odisha (India).” The International Journal of Community and Social Development 5, no. 1 (2023): 97-118.
• Verma, L. “Impact of Mid day Meal Programme in India: A review.” Int. J. Multidiscip. Approach Stud (2015).

Saaranya is a student in the 11^th grade at The International School Bangalore. Her passion for giving back to her community has been instilled by her family. With a particular interest in public health, she hopes to pursue International Political Economy at the undergraduate level.

Abstract

Anaemia is a medical condition wherein a person lacks sufficient healthy red blood cells to carry oxygen effectively around the body (David & Sawal, 2018). Although countries across the world have already used several approaches to tackle high incidences of anaemia, many nations in South Asia, including India continue to struggle with this issue today. This research article provides fresh insights into the status quo around public health issues in India, particularly in relation to the adverse effect that anaemia has on the health of Indian women. A strong case is made for targeted policy interventions from the Indian government to adopt preventative measures to address anaemia.

Introduction

Anaemia largely affects young children and women of reproductive age around the world. Since the early 2000s, anaemia as a public health issue has been gaining prominence globally. The disease is classified into different categories and the causal factor(s) for each category varies (Peggy and Parekh, 1998). The most prevalent cause of anaemia is a deficiency of iron in the body combined with deficiencies in folate and vitamin B-12 (Arnold, Nangia, and Kapil, 2004).

Although deficiency-based anaemia is seemingly easy to prevent, it is acknowledged as a pressing public health challenge globally today. In this regard, the World Health Organisation estimates that a third of all women of reproductive age and two-fifths of all children are anaemic (De Benoist, Cogswell, Egli, and McLean, 2008). The majority of this population is made up of women from the so-called “Global South”, which implies several developing countries in South Asia, who face socio-cultural challenges and economic difficulties in accessing good healthcare and adequate nutrition.

Countries like Yemen, Nigeria and India observe some of highest incidences of anaemia in the world. Significant numbers of Indian women suffer from high rates of malnutrition. This gives rise to the public health issue of anaemia, several categories of which is often directly linked with lack of access to wholesome nutrition (Mathew, 2015). The region of Ladakh, India provides a case study for this issue, as the data indicates that 90% of adolescent girls from this region between the ages of 15 and 19 struggle with anaemia due to a lack of fresh fruits and vegetables in the region (Anaemia Mukt Bharat, 2022).

In India between 2019 and 2021, 59.1% of girls between ages 15 and 19 are suffering from various categories of anaemia (Arnold, Nangia, and Kapil, 2004). With such high rates of anaemia in the country among women, it is safe to say that India is facing a public health crisis with respect to women’s health and nutrition. In addition to causing fatigue, weakness, and shortness of breath, anaemia can lead to more severe health issues for women. The latter includes premature births, miscarriages, heart failure and even death (Arnold, Nangia, and Kapil, 2004).

The cultural factors that impact women’s nutrition and access to healthcare in India include a strong gendered bias against female children, harmful gendered stereotypes in general and cultural as well as religious norms around food habits and mealtimes (Sheikh and Porter, 2013). To provide an instance of a context, there are cultural scenarios where females are often considered a burden on their families. Hence, women are often relegated to the back of the kitchen in a home and are considered the last priority during mealtimes.

Indian Policies Addressing Anaemia

There have been a series of different policies dedicated specifically to tackling the adverse effects of anaemia among Indian women. The first national campaign launched in 1970 in India was the National Nutritional Anaemia Prophylaxis Program. It was designed to provide children under five, pregnant women and nursing mothers with iron and folate supplements (Global Nutrition Report, 2020). Unfortunately, provision did not guarantee consumption and the programme was largely ineffective.

Subsequent programmes attempted to include counselling services to resolve compliance and awareness challenges around the condition. However, these measures were also met with varied results (Global Nutrition Report, 2020). Notably the program was more successful in urban, adolescent populations than in the target rural, adult populations.

The most recent policy intervention targeting anaemia was launched in 2018 and is called the Anaemia Mukt Bharat (AMB) (which translates to ‘an anaemia free India’ in English). This ambitious programme aims to tackle anaemia through the implementation of a six-pronged approach including bi-annual weworming for children, behaviour change communication campaign focused on raising awareness around healthy living among other initiatives (Habyarimana, Temesgen and Ramroop, 2020).

Policy Recommendations

The AMB’s strategy currently remains a surface-level intervention that fails to address the underlying factors contributing to the higher incidence of anaemia among women in India (relative to other countries in South Asia including Bangladesh and Sri Lanka). This leaves the AMB open to the same limitations that policies of the past have faced in terms of their implementation and their efficacy. One approach that could successfully improve the program can be adopted from Edward Deci and Richard Ryan’s self-determination theory.

This theory focuses on behavioural policy interventions. In their theory, Deci and Ryan outline the different sources of motivation behind an individual’s actions, which they classify as either being autonomously (intrinsically) motivated or as being influenced by outside factors (extrinsically motivated) (Peggy and Parekh, 1998). Intrinsic motivation is associated with societal norms and values, while extrinsic motivation comes from external regulatory practices and the approval of external actors through the emotional responses of the individual. As the struggle of tackling anaemia in India can be considered a developmental issue and a matter of national shame, policy makers can play upon this sense of shame to motivate individuals to act in a way that helps reduce the rates of anaemia (Rani, Sawal, Hamzah and Rajabalaya, 2018). 

The interventions proposed in this paper takes on a two-pronged approach to the problem of anaemia by using non-monetary rewards and special messaging. Although rates of anaemia are high across the country, the following intervention is designed to be implemented in a rural context, because the incidence of anaemia is higher in this context than among urban populations. Moreover, the dynamics and organisational structures of rural communities allow for better implementation of the proposed behavioural intervention (Arnold, Nangia, and Kapil, 2004).

The first method of the intervention is to create a national recognition programme that awards villages that can successfully reduce the number of children and women of reproductive age with anaemia within the first year of implementation. The villages should receive national recognition for their efforts from the central government during the annual nationally televised awards ceremony conducted for India’s Republic Day (David & Sawal, 2018). To further incentivise action, compliance with the current AMB and other anti-anaemia policies will result in higher priority in the distribution of medical services such as vaccination drives and increased access to medicines for their local health care centres. At the village level, the recommendation relies on the strong sense of community within a village. Such sentiments are likely to drive changes that will eventually result in reduced health challenges caused by anaemia (Sheikh and Porter, 2013).

The second approach involves the use of mass media campaigns that focus on the national nature of the issue. These campaigns would emphasise the idea that it is every citizen’s civic duty to try to improve the health of those people suffering from anaemia (Premananda, Som, Chakrabarty, Bharati and Pal, 2008). Additionally, awareness would be spread regarding the importance of reducing the rates of anaemia across age groups. Indian men may potentially be less inclined to support the movement, which is why presenting the movement as a matter of national pride will encourage more widespread participation (D’Silva, 2014). To further highlight the patriotic nature of the campaign, a patriotic figure or public figure could be used in media campaigns across various platforms (such as short-form content videos, radio, and television advertisements, etc) as this will help further push and encourage the current anti-anaemia agendas (Fikree and Pasha, 2004).

The limitations of these strategies would be the extensive need for human, physical and financial resources required to effectively monitor the implementation of this programme independently (Bruno, Cogswell, Egli and McLean, 2008). These requirements render such strategies unsustainable in the long run. However, due to the long history of anti-anaemia policies and the recent creation of the Anaemia Mukt Bharat initiative, an infrastructure to monitor anaemia rates across India does exist (Sheikh and Porter, 2013). This means these policies can and should be incorporated into the current system and monitored through a pre-existing model.

Conclusion

India is facing a public health crisis when it comes to nutrition for children and women. Anaemia is just one of the many medical conditions that manifest this crisis. With one in two women and one in three children still presenting with anaemia in India today, traditional policy interventions are insufficient in addressing this challenge (Aguayo and Paintal, 2017). Employing nuanced public policy techniques that incorporate behavioural changes may be able to better address the underlying causes behind the high incidence of anaemia.  

References

• Aguayo, Víctor M, and Kajali Paintal. “Nutrition in Adolescent Girls in South Asia.” BMJ: British Medical Journal 357 (2017). https://www.jstor.org/stable/26948744.

• Arnold, Fred, Parveen Nangia, and Umesh Kapil. “Indicators of Nutrition for Women and Children: Current Status and Recommendations.” Economic and Political Weekly 39, no. 7 (2004): 664–70. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4414641.

• Bentley, Peggy and Anjon Parekh. (1998). “Perceptions of anemia and health seeking behavior among women in four Indian states.” Technical Working Paper 9.

• Bharati, Premananda, Suparna Som, Suman Chakrabarty, Susmita Bharati, and Manoranjan Pal. “Prevalence of Anemia and Its Determinants Among Nonpregnant and Pregnant Women in India.” Asia Pacific Journal of Public Health 20, no. 4 (2008): 347–59. http://www.jstor.org/stable/26723466.

• David, Sheba Rani, Nora Syahirah Sawal, Muhammad Nur Salam Bin Hamzah, and Rajan Rajabalaya. “The blood blues: a review on methemoglobinemia.” Journal of Pharmacology and Pharmacotherapeutics 9, no. 1 (2018): 1-5.

• De Benoist, Bruno, Mary Cogswell, Ines Egli, and Erin McLean. “Worldwide prevalence of anaemia 1993-2005; WHO Global Database of anaemia.” (2008).

• D’Silva, Jeetha. “Expert Views: What the next Indian Government Should Do for Health and Healthcare.” BMJ: British Medical Journal 348 (2014). https://www.jstor.org/stable/26513730.

• Engle-Stone, Reina, Christine P. Stewart, Stephen A. Vosti, Katherine P. Adams, and Jean Patrick Alfred. “Preventative Nutrition Interventions.” Copenhagen Consensus Center, 2017. http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep29096.

• Fikree, Fariyal F, and Omrana Pasha. “Role of Gender in Health Disparity: The South Asian Context.” BMJ: British Medical Journal 328, no. 7443 (2004): 823–26. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41707314.

• George, Mathew. “Viewpoint: Re-Instating a ‘public Health’ System under Universal Health Care in India.” Journal of Public Health Policy 36, no. 1 (2015): 15–23. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43288061.

• Ghose, Bishwajit, Sanni Yaya, and Shangfeng Tang. “Anemia Status in Relation to Body Mass Index Among Women of Childbearing Age in Bangladesh.” Asia Pacific Journal of Public Health 28, no. 7 (2016): 611–19. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26686313.

• Global Nutrition Report. (2020). “Global Nutrition Report: Action on equity to end malnutrition”. Bristol, UK: Development Initiatives. Accessed 23 March 2021, https://globalnutritionreport.org/documents/566/2020_Global_Nutrition_Report_2hrssKo.pdf

• Habyarimana, Faustin, Temesgen Zewotir, and Shaun Ramroop. “Prevalence and Risk Factors Associated with Anemia among Women of Childbearing Age in Rwanda.” African Journal of Reproductive Health / La Revue Africaine de La Santé Reproductive 24, no. 2 (2020): 141–51. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27086527.

• Sheikh, Kabir, and John Porter. “Communicative Rationality in Health Policy: Implementing National Public Health Guidelines in India.” Indian Anthropologist 43, no. 1 (2013): 17–34. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41920139.

Suryansh is a motivated student pursuing Politics, Economics and Statistics in the 12^th grade at Shiv Nadar School, Gurgaon. He is passionate about making an impact in the worldthrough research. In the future, Suryansh hopes to create change through the arena of politics.

Abstract

The freedom to work – by choice, in conditions of dignity, safety and fairness – is integral to human welfare. Around the world, finding a job is much tougher for women than it is for men. When women are employed, they tend to work in low-quality jobs in vulnerable conditions, and earn much lesser than their male counterparts. Governments around the world have recognized this problem and the Indian Government is no exception. The gender pay gap in India is among the widest in the world and closing this gap can have huge benefits not just for the Indian economy but for its 685 million women. This paper finds out that occupational segregation, biases towards women and ‘time poverty’ of women are the main causes of the gender wage gap in India. The paper assesses the socio-economic impact of the wage gap on women and the economy and evaluates the Government policies for combating the problem. It ends with a discussion section where remedial measures are suggested.

Introduction 

The gender wage gap is defined as the difference between median earnings of men and women relative to median earnings of men (OECD). The gender pay gap is not the same as equal pay. Equal pay is where women and men are paid the same for performing the same role or different work of equal or comparable value. The gender pay gap reveals the overall economic power disparity between men and women in society. It is an indication of what types of jobs (and associated earnings) are occupied by women overall versus men overall (Payscale, 2023). 

In India, the market-determined wages for women performing similar work are considerably lower than those of men (MOSPI, 2022). The national average wage received per day by casual workers for Apr-June 2022 was Rs. 393/day for rural male workers and Rs. 265/day for rural female workers. The corresponding figures for urban workers were Rs. 483/ day for males and Rs. 333/ day for females (MOSPI, 2022). The disparity is greater in urban areas than in rural areas (MOSPI, 2022). Moreover, the gender wage gap has widened in rural areas over the past decade, although it has narrowed in towns (Thakur, 2023).

Historically speaking the wage gap between Indian women and men had reduced from 48% in 1993-94 to 28% by 2018-19. However, the gap increased by 7% between 2018-19 and 2020-21 due the COVID- 19 pandemic (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). As per International Labour Organisation estimates the gender pay gap in India stands at 27% as of 2023. The gender pay gap in India is among the widest in the world.

A report titled ‘The Glass Ceiling- Leadership Gender Balance in NSE 200 Companies’ highlights the gender pay gap in India’s corporate sector. Women executives in India earn an average of Rs 85 for every Rs 100 earned by their male counterparts. The pay gap widens as we move up the hierarchy. The report, demonstrates that while women at the individual contributor level get 2.2 per cent less than men working in similar roles, the pay gap widens to 3.1 per cent for managers/supervisors as well as 4.9-6.1 per cent for directors and senior executives (Agarwal, 2022).

While the gender pay gap is slowly narrowing, at the current rate of progress it will take more than 70 years to close it completely (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). An analysis of gender wage gap also warrants a discussion of the low female labour force participation or FLFPR in India. India’s FLFPR has been falling for the last three decades despite the growth in it’sGDP. The gap between India’s male and female labour force participation rate stands at a staggering 50% (ILO estimates, 2022). This gender divide also reflects in the wide gap between the male and female wages in the country.

Some factors contributing to the gendered wage gap in India include:

1) Occupational Segregation: Occupational Segregation results in gender pay gap when women and men tend to concentrate in different industries and different jobs, with female-dominated industries and jobs attracting lower wages. “Women workers remain highly over-represented in the low value-added industries as well as occupations, such as agriculture, textiles, and domestic service,” These low-value-added industries mean that women continue to be on the lower end of the pay scale (Basole, 2018).

2) Cultural Biases: Gender pay gaps arise because of various kinds of biases that women face. These include Conscious and unconscious discrimination and bias in hiring and pay decisions is a global cause of gender pay gap (WGEA, 2023). In the Indian context, FSG survey 2023 findings reveal five kinds of biases against hiring females (Goenka et al., 2023). 

3) Glass ceilings from gendered leadership : A study conducted by IIM-Ahmedabad argues that salaries of women executives in India are low because, it’s mostly men who decide how much a woman is paid, and women find fewer mentors and role models. The IIM-A studyshows that women representation at the senior management level stands at just 7% while at the top management level it is a meagre 5%. 21 organisations out of the 200 have only one woman in top management whereas 76 do not even have a single woman in top management. The number of women directors at the top level in NSE 500 companies has jumped to 16 per cent in 2022 from 4.5 per cent in 2014 owing to regulatory requirements. However, this has not translated into equal pay for women executives. The pay gap widens as we move up the hierarchy. In the global context an ILO report observes, “When women are managers, they tend to be more concentrated in management support functions such as human resources and financial administration than in more strategic roles. This brings down the average salary of female managers compared to that of male managers” (Bureau for Employer’s activities, 2019). This is true in the Indian context too. In India, 60 % of Human Resources roles get closed with women applicants (India Today, 2022).

4) Biases against mothers: Motherhood pay gap or motherhood penalty is defined as lower wages for mothers compared to non-mothers. (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). Some instances of motherhood penalty are  “when employers perceive mothers as being less competent and committed than non-mothers, and hold them to much higher professional standards. They are also hired and promoted less often, and generally receive lower salaries (Patnaik, 2021). Similar assertions regarding less hiring of mothers are made by Das and Zumbyte,  who have investigated the motherhood penalty in the Indian context. Using regression analysis they established an increasingly negative relationship between the probability of Indian women getting employed and the presence of a young child in their households. Their results show that although the onus of childbearing may have reduced, that of caregiving has increased (Das & Zumbyte , 2017).

An amendment to the Act in 2017 increased paid maternity leave from 12 to 26 weeks. Though well-meaning, there have been certain unintended fallouts of this change. Firstly, “it fortifies notions of care-giving being primarily the onus of the woman, and thus reinforces and raises the risk of women being subject to the motherhood penalty” (Patnaik, 2021). Considering that the burden of paid maternity leave falls on the employer, it has become another factor contributing to lesser hiring of female employees (Mittal, 2023). A survey by Teamlease has found that, more than 50% of the male employees felt that there is an increase in gender bias against women in the last two years in spite of the implementation of the Maternity Benefit Act. 36% of the male respondents felt that both the parents should get paid leave for childcare (India Today, 2020).

5) Biases in education: Gender norms and patriarchal structures in India perpetuate investments in male education and male dominated professions. It leads to a vicious cycle of limited opportunities for women education and perpetuating occupational segregation and wage gaps. Lack of appropriate skill, education and training is also commonly believed to be a for the wage gap amongst Indian women. STEM majors are likely to dominate higher-paying occupations, and women in India are significantly outnumbered by men in these majors (Sonali, 2023). Additionally, Women are unable to devote much time to job trainings, unlike men who can undergo long job trainings making them earn more than women workers (Javeed & Manuhaar, 2013). The burden of household duties leads many young girls to sacrifice their education and hence limits their earning potential. Gender gaps in financial literacy, also give rise to wage gaps (Sonali, 2023).

6) Time poverty of Indian women: The International Labor Organisation (ILO) estimates that unpaid care work is amongst the most critical barriers preventing women from joining and remaining in the workforce. This disproportionate burden of unpaid care work creates what is called “time poverty”, which inhibits women’s ability to dedicate time to paid work and acquire the skills necessary to seek better job opportunities. (Nikore, 2022). The time use survey conducted by the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO) in 2019 confirms a persistent pattern of “time poverty” suffered by women in India (Mehta & Mehta, 2020). Indian women do the most unpaid care and domestic work of any country globally, except Kazakhstan (Mehta & Mehta, 2020). Women in India spend an average of 7.2 hours on unpaid work, while men spend 2.8 hours (Express News Service, 2023). The NSSO survey, 2019 showed that men spent a longer time in employment-related activities (459 minutes per day) than women (333 minutes per day) (Mehta & Mehta, 2020).

Socioeconomic Impacts of The Gender Wage Gap

The Gender Gap Report, 2023 prepared by Payscale, estimates the impact of gender wage gap on a women’s lifetime earnings. The difference between lifetime earnings for the average male worker and for the average female worker (when all compensable factors are controlledfor) amounts to roughly $70,000 for no attributable reason other than gender The difference increases to $ 900,000 when compensable factors are uncontrolled (Payscale, 2023). The increase is attributable to, gendered opportunity barriers to holding higher-level, higher-paying jobs. It is to be noted that these estimates do not account for lost benefits, investments, promotions, or other compounding factors on lifetime wealth.

We know that the gender wage gap in India is much wider than the global averages. In the absence of India specific research, by using these global estimates we can assume that the lifetime economic loss for Indian women would be much higher.

Apart from economic loss, the gender wage gap also translates into other negative consequences for women such as hindering their economic empowerment, amplifying family and societal pressures on them, perpetuating gender inequality and dampening their spirit. Since pay and quality of work are directly correlated low pay can also impact the quality of work

Gender wage gap not only affects individual women’s economic prospects but also hurts overall economic growth. A McKinsey Global Institute report finds that $12 trillion could be added to global GDP by 2025 by advancing women’s equality. The corresponding estimate for India’s incremental GDP is $0.7 trillion. The report estimates that with an estimate of a staggering 16% increase in GDP, India’s gain could be more than any other country. (Woetzelet al., 2015)

At the organizational level also, there are multiple benefits that can arise from having a gender diverse workforce and equitable practices. A survey conducted by the Peterson Institute for International Economics in 2016 found that companies with at least 30% of women in senior management had a 15% higher profit. Reducing the wage gap also translates into lower employee attrition, creation of a better brand and increased employee productivity.

Policy Recommendations

India enacted the Minimum Wages Act in 1948 (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). The Act provisions for statutory fixation of minimum wages that must be paid to skilled and unskilled labours irrespective of gender. This was followed by the adoption of the Equal Remuneration Act in 1976 (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). This Act provides for equal pay to men & women for equal work. In 2019, India consolidated both the legislations and enacted the Code on Wages, 2019. This code too provides for the prohibition of discrimination on the basis ofgender (Deshpande & Ungender Blog Team, 2021).

The International Labour Organization (ILO) adopted the Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No.100) that solidified the principle of equal remuneration for men and women. It was ratified by India in 1958 (Deshpande & Ungender Blog Team, 2021). The convention recognises the difference between the principle of ‘work of similar nature’ and ‘work of equal value’ and adopts the latter. The latter is more comprehensive and progressive as by using this principle, two completely different jobs can be taken and analysed using factors such as the effort needed, required skills, decision making involved while working etc. It is quite unfortunate that though India ratified the convention, the Indian law doesn’t adopt the principle of ‘work of equal value’ to comprehensively address the problem of gender wage gap.

In 2005, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) was introduced (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). It is a key safety net for rural Indian women in times of distress and guarantees them a wage equal to men. MGNREGA has benefited rural women workers and helped reduce the gender pay gap (Walter & Ferguson, 2022). However, it is important to note that MGNREGA wages are lower than even minimum wages for agriculture in 17 out of 21 major states (Aggarwal & Paikra, 2020). There is also a perpetual shortage of work under the scheme along with delay in payments. To encourage women to participate, childcare facilities and crèches at worksites are required, but overlooked (SunainaKumar, 2022).

In 2017, the Government amended the Maternity Benefit Act of 1961, which increased the ‘maternity leave with pay protection’ from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for all women working in establishments employing 10 or more workers. This was expected to reduce the motherhood pay gap among mothers in the median and high-end wage earners working in the formal economy. We have discussed in the preceding pages the unfortunate negative impact that this amendment has had on female employment.

A McKinsey Global Institute Report links, for the first time, gender equality in work with gender equality in society, saying that, “The former is not possible without the latter” (Bhattacharya, 2018). Gender equality in society is the fundamental pre-requisite to close the gender wage gap, eliminate gender based segregation of jobs and balance the burden of unpaid care on women. Policies and programs need to be geared for changing the gender norms at all levels of society. Campaigns should be created for promoting gender equality, sharing household workload and respecting female employment. 

This needs to be followed with creating a female workforce friendly environment at organizational levels. Pay transparency, investment in female training and child care support, flexible work arrangements, sensitization of male employees are some steps that can help.

Government should rope in private sector and charitable organizations for contributing to public awareness campaigns. Investment in reliable child care facilities, female education, mandating more female employment at senior levels are certain measures that can help bridge the wage gap. Government should also adopt the principle of “ Equal pay for work of equal value” in the law.

India is the fastest growing economy in the world today. In order that the rewards of India’s development are equitably distributed, bridging the gender wage gap is a fundamental pre requisite. Gender wage gaps have seen a decline over the past decade but the pace of change is not fast enough to get timely benefits to half it’s population. The systemic causes of this wage divide call for consistent and massive action on the part of the government, society and employers.

References

Agarwal, P. (2022, February 9). The Glass Ceiling: Research Report on Leadership Gender Balance in NSE 200 Companies. IIMA. https://vslir.iima.ac.in:8443/xmlui/bitstream/handle/11718/24912/GSReport.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y

Aggarwal, A., & Paikra, V. K. (2020, October 12). Why Mnrega wages are so low. ThePrint. https://theprint.in/opinion/why-mnrega-wages-are-so-low/520982/

Basole, A. (2018). (rep.). State of Working India 2018. Azim Premji University.https://cse.azimpremjiuniversity.edu.in/wp-content/uploads/2019/02/State_of_Working_India_2018-1.pdf.

Bhattacharya, S. (2018, June 18). Why we aren’t closing the gender gap at work. India Development Review.https://idronline.org/close-the-gender-gap-at-work/?gclid=Cj0KCQjwuZGnBhD1ARIsACxbAVjxGHdoBAZlXNf1dCZT8HzOn25MYgbBicOvY9RkRl0x8KSAHGRj0oaAsv_EALw_wcB

Bureau for Employers’ Activities. (2019). (rep.). Women in business and management- The business case for change. International labour organization.https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/—dgreports/— dcomm/–publ/documents/publication/wcms_700953.pdf.

Das, Maitreyi B and Zumbyte, Ieva, (2017), The motherhood penalty and female employment in urban India, No 8004, Policy Research Working Paper Series, The World Bank, https://EconPapers.repec.org/RePEc:wbk:wbrwps:8004.

Desai, K. (2021, March 2). 85% of indian women have missed out on a raise or promotion due to gender. Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/sunday-times/85-of-indian-women-have-missed-out-on-raise-or-promotion-due-to-gender/articleshow/81286910.cms.

Deshpande, A., & Ungender Blog Team. (2021, January 27). Will the new labour code on wages fix the gender pay gap in India?. Ungender. https://www.ungender.in/impact-on-code-of-wages-2019-on-gender-pay- gap-india/

Goenka, P., Jain, V., Rathi, S., & Mukherji, R. (2023, March 7). Creating a gender-equitable workforce in India.

FSG. https://www.fsg.org/resource/creating-a-gender-equitable-workforce-in-india/

India Today. (2020, November 27). More than 50% men feel increase in workplace bias against women because of maternity benefits: study. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/latest- studies/story/more-than-50-men-feel-increase-in-workplace-bias-against-women-because-of-maternity-benefits-study-1744661-2020-11-27.

India Today. (2022, August 30). Women professionals lead the hr domain: report. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/latest-studies/story/women-professionals-lead-the-hr-domain-report-1994335-2022-08-30.

Mehta, B., & Mehta, N. (2020, December 11). Urgent need to address women’s time-poverty. The Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/red-button-day-light/urgent-need-to-address-womens-time-poverty/.

Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. (n.d.). 4.4 participation in economy – mospi.https://www.mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/women-men22/ParticiptionEconomy22.pdf

Mittal, M. (2023, March 10). Why are Indian women dropping out of workforce at an alarming rate? Moneycontrol. https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/business/why-are-indian-women-dropping-out-of-workforce-at-an-alarming-rate-10228271.html

Nikore, M. (2022, October 19). Building India’s economy on the backs of women’s unpaid work: A genderedanalysis of time-use data. ORF. https://www.orfonline.org/research/building-indias-economy-on-the-backs-of-womens-unpaid-work/#_edn8

Patnaik, A. (2021, October 6). The motherhood penalty that employers must eliminate.Livemint. https://www.livemint.com/opinion/online-views/the-motherhood-penalty-that-employers-must-eliminate-11633536201944.html.

Payscale. (2023, March 13). 2023 gender pay gap report (GPGR).https://www.payscale.com/research-and-insights/gender-pay-gap/#module-5

Sonali. (2023, May 10). Understanding the widening gender pay gap in India. InHunt World.https://inhuntworld.com/understanding-the-widening-gender-pay-gap-in-india/

Sunaina Kumar, IndiaSpend. com. (2022, September 2). How the Rural EmploymentGuarantee Scheme is a double-edged sword for women. Scroll.in. https://scroll.in/article/1031636/how-the-rural-employment-guarantee-scheme-is-a-double-edged-sword-for-women

WALTER, D., & FERGUSON, S. (2022, September 19). The gender pay gap, hard truths and actions needed.

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WGEA. (2023). What is the gender pay gap?https://www.wgea.gov.au/sites/default/files/documents/Fact%20Sheet_The%20Gender%20Pay%20Gap_270823.pdf

Aashima Keswani is passionate about media, gender equality and human rights. She enjoys theatre and finds computer science fascinating. Currently, Aashima is in the 12th grade at The International School Bangalore. She hopes to become a human rights lawyer in the future.

Introduction

Bollywood is one of the world’s largest film industries in terms of the number of movies released per year and by the amount of annual revenues generated. However, it is also a perpetrator of existing prejudices and violence against women in India. This involves positive depictions of dominating men who create a cycle of unjust treatment, and physical violence or aggression towards women. Hence, Bollywood can be considered an agent among a myriad of complex social forces in Indian society that allow women to experience sexism of various kinds, including physical violence and harassment.

This research paper will analyze Bollywood’s role in perpetuating regressive gender norms, particularly physical violence against women. Specifically, the scope of this research paper will focus on the positive portrayal of physical violence against women in Bollywood films. By exploring current guidelines in promoting gender-positive content in India, this paper will propose policy recommendations and government interventions.

The Current Scenario

Statistics indicate that 2 out of 3 women in India experience physical violence or aggression by men in their lifetime. Furthermore, India was ranked the most dangerous country for women due to high rates of sexual violence, human trafficking, and female infanticide (Reuters 2019). The factors that shape and propagate India’s culture of violence towards women are many and diverse. These include patriarchal laws within the Indian legal system, corrupt law enforcement, cultural traditions such as the dowry system, certain religious doctrines spread across all major religions in India and the lack of concepts of gender equality and sexual rights in Indian public-school curriculums.

In this soci0-cultural scenario, some Bollywood movies act as agents in perpetrating negative social norms and perceptions around women’s position in Indian society. Indeed, the National Crime Records Bureau of India has noted that Indian women are often assaulted by men whose intents are to “outrage [their] modesty”. Hence the type of crimes committed against Indian women – which include stalking, acid attacks, voyeurism, honor killings, female infanticide, sex-selection abortions and rape – reflect the unequal and vulnerable position that women generally occupy in Indian society.

For analyzing the gender bias portrayed in movies, the WEAT score can be useful. Using the English subtitles of the highest-grossing Indian movies, the WEAT Score uses a mathematical complex to calculate the male bias in a movie. In a comparison between the highest-grossing Bollywood, Hollywood, and World Media, Bollywood movies had the highest WEAT Score (Greater positive bias towards men) in comparison with the other media industries.

While the industry is problematic, it is essential to note that not all Bollywood films depict violence against women. This research paper will focus on exploring certain traits within some Bollywood films that have been criticized for perpetuating harmful stereotypes about gender-based roles and glorifying such actions. Specifically, it will analyze how Bollywood films can strongly encourage the sexual objectification of women through specific aspects within story narratives.

For one, in some Bollywood movies, physical violence against women is portrayed as a routine occurrence in some Bollywood movies. It is often used for dramatic effect without addressing the consequences or the seriousness of such actions. This normalization can desensitize the audience to the real-world impact of violence against women. The movie Humpty Sharma ki Dulhania portrays the male protagonist in a positive light in the form of a physically violent and dominating lead character (played by Bollywood actor Varun Dhawan).

Additionally, many Bollywood films include item songs, a term often used to refer to musical scenarios that objectify dancing women through physical aggression or harassment. These songs are known for their sexualized and demeaning imagery and lyrics, contributing to the sexual objectification of women in Indian cinema. An example of this can include Bollywood actress Kareena Kapoor’s performance in the song ‘Chikni Chameli’[1]. In it, the actress portrays a dancer who is leered at and at times physically harassed by male onlookers as she dances to a sexually suggestive song.

Furthermore, a subset of Bollywood films have perpetuated regressive narratives where women are subjected to domestic violence, and their suffering is shown in a melodramatic or sensationalized manner. Such depictions risk perpetuating harmful stereotypes and minimizing the seriousness of the issue. Moreover, such storylines often portray female victims of physical violence at the hands of male perpetrators as forgiving of these incidents. This further reinforces the social messaging that such behavior from male perpetrators is normal.

Existing Government Regulations

Currently, India does not have explicit laws that guide the portrayal of physical violence against women in films. However, some regulatory mechanisms and guidelines exist. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC)^[2] plays a pivotal role in certifying films for public exhibition. It can recommend cuts or alterations based on concerns related to content, including gendered portrayals. The CBFC operates under the Cinematograph Act, of 1952, which provides the legal framework for the certification and exhibition of films in India.

Films that depict women in derogatory or exploitative ways may therefore face certification challenges. The 1986 Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act bans depiction in any manner of the figure of a woman; her form or body or any part thereof in such a way as to have the effect of being indecent, or derogatory to, or denigrating women, or is likely to deprave, corrupt or injure the public morality or morals. It includes penalties of imprisonment from 6 months to 5 years and a fine of 10,000 to 1,000,000 Indian rupees. Organizations such as the Indian Film and Television Directors’ Association (IFTDA) have formulated guidelines to promote gender-positive content. However, the extent to which these guidelines are adhered to remains a matter of industry practice. Decisions often depend on the individual interpretation of the board members and can sometimes appear arbitrary.

In terms of the Gender-Based pay disparity, two main acts exist in favour of equal pay rights. The Equal Remuneration Act, established in 1976, prohibits discrimination in remuneration based on gender and mandates employers to provide equal pay for equal work. This implies that male and female actors performing similar roles with similar levels of skill and responsibility should be paid equally. The 1948 Minimum Wages Act does not specifically address gender-based disparities. This act set a minimum wage requirement that all employers must pay to employees and aims to ensure all workers, irrespective of gender receive minimum wage.

Moreover, the #MeToo movement in 2018 impacted the Bollywood Industry. This movement led to discussions and accountability about gender disparities and encouraged women working within the industry to discuss their stories of sexual violence and harassment.

Policy recommendations

1. Equal Pay Audits and Transparency

Insightful metrics regarding the current scenario in Bollywood around gender disparity is pay disparity. Multiple top celebrities have made public statements regarding the disparities they have faced in the industry. Bollywood actress Tapsee Panu stated that men who started work in the industry at the same time as her earn 3-5 times more than her. Experts recommend that reducing pay disparity between men and women will positively affect social perceptions around the latter.

To address this, implementing mandatory equal pay audits for Bollywood productions would require producers to disclose salary information and ensure that male and female actors receive equitable compensation for similar roles and responsibilities. This would further establish transparent reporting mechanisms that publicly disclose gender pay disparities in films and promote accountability within the industry.

• Gender Sensitivity Training

Mandating gender sensitivity training for all industry professionals would help raise awareness about gender biases and stereotypes. This would raise awareness about gender biases and stereotypes. This would further help with the on-screen portrayal of women as well and ensure that more movies portray gender positive media which is consumed by the Indian population.

• Gender-Positive Industry Guidelines and Codes of Conduct

Developing and enforcing industry-specific guidelines and codes of conduct which address gender-based discrimination and harassment could help provisions for fair pay and respectful treatment of women on and off-screen.

• Affirmative Action through Leadership Roles for Women

Encourage the appointment of women in leadership positions, both in production houses and film-related organizations, to influence decision-making processes and promote gender-inclusive practices within the industry.

Conclusion

India is a country where media has an unparalleled impact on shaping societal norms and perceptions. As the influence of digital globalization rapidly increases, it becomes crucial to understand sexism in Bollywood to offset negative societal impacts. Media is critical in reflecting the society they are shown to, as well as shaping and influencing this society. While progress has been made recently, the industry still contains heavy influences of gender bias, unequal pay, and objectification of women both in on-screen portrayals and behind-the-scenes roles.

In recent years, there has been increased awareness and advocacy for more responsible and respectful portrayals of women in Bollywood movies. This has led to a growing emphasis on empowering female characters, telling stories of resilience and strength, and addressing the negative impact of violence against women on individuals and society.

While the portrayal of physical violence against women in Bollywood movies remains a topic of concern, it’s crucial to acknowledge the industry’s capacity to influence and change societal norms. As public awareness and conversations around gender-related issues continue to grow, Bollywood is also experiencing a transformation in its storytelling and representation of women.

Bibliography

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The Problem:
The Smart Cities Mission of the Ministry of Urban Development, Government of India is an
opportunity for up-and-coming cities to develop a vision for their future. Bilaspur in the state of
Chhattisgarh is one such emerging city – relatively quiet, low profile and typical of an urban area
in India with its unorganized pace of development. It is not too late for Bilaspur to develop a
strategy of urban development for a sustainable future. Chhattisgarh thus nominated Bilaspur
for the ‘City Challenge’ of the Smart Cities Mission.
As funding from the Smart Cities Mission is allotted in phases, the ‘City Challenge’ has been
held every year since 2014 (when the scheme was first introduced) in order to determine which
cities would receive funding during each phase. To compete for selection in the ‘City Challenge’,
aspiring cities prepare a strong proposal that argues why they should qualify. The Ministry of
Urban Development requires that the Smart City Proposal covers several components including
city profiling and key performance indicators, vision and goals, strategy for redevelopment and
retrofitting, citizen engagement etc. Residents of nominated cities were required to be engaged
and consulted for preparing an inclusive vision for the city.

Why D21:
The last 2 rounds of the ‘City Challenge’ have witnessed 60 cities winning approval for funding.
Bilaspur is putting its hopes on Round 3 and have made careful preparations to increase its
chances of selection. City municipalities are allowed to hire external agencies for preparing the
SCP. D21 was engaged specifically for handling the task of citizen engagement and consultation
during Round 3.

Description:
The process stretched from January to March of this year and primarily included intensive door-
to-door surveys of all 66 wards of Bilaspur city (the smallest body of local government in
Bilaspur), organizing consultation meetings with significant sectors of development (including
transport, energy and health among others) and gathering inputs from students on their vision
of a Smart Bilaspur. Vulnerable sections of society, including the disabled and women were
provided special attention.
As residents were generally unaware about the Smart Cities Mission and unsure of how they
can participate, outreach activities were essential in order to inform the public about the same.
This included 400,000 advertising SMS that were sent out to mobile phone users in Bilaspur. A
vehicle covered the city of Bilaspur announcing pertinent information regarding the Smart City
Proposal as well as the citizen engagement activities that were organized.

With the onset of the digital revolution in India, digital tools for engagement and for spreading
awareness were utilized. Comments, suggestions and inputs from residents of Bilaspur were
found on different websites of the government (smartbilaspur.in, mygov.in) as well as on social
media platforms including Facebook and Twitter.

Implementation Challenges:
It was an enormous task considering the size of the population of Bilaspur (roughly 330,000
according to the census data from 2011). Time was also a big constraint regarding efficient
execution of the engagement strategy, as citizens were engaged and consulted for a mere 2
months while the rest of the time was spent in formulation of the strategy and preparation of
the final SCP. Though it was in everyone’s best interests to further the digital revolution in India
by promoting online polling, it was difficult to shift citizens away from the conventional method
of paper surveys. The survey teams found that most residents from the lower classes did not
possess smart phones or computers.

Outcome:
The results of the citizen engagement process have been presented in the form of data
analytics and incorporated within the final SCP.